As I was walking home from the gym this morning I thought about how the US congress has become so much like the Polish Sejm of the Middle Ages. Admittedly, this may seem like a strange non-sequitur; perhaps due to the effects of the extreme cold on my addled brain. Most people trudging home in 14 degree cold would be thinking of warm places like Florida, but I really don’t like Florida, or other such places, so my mind focuses on other things. Anyway, I digress.
What do the United States Congress and the Sejm, or parliament, of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth have in common? The Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth was a large and powerful nation that evolved in the Middle Ages. Poland at that time was larger and further east than the modern nation. The commonwealth included central and eastern Poland, Lithuania and Belarus, much of modern Latvia and Ukraine and parts of Moldova, Romania, Slovakia, Estonia and Russia. It was a remarkable nation; a powerful, multi-ethnic and multi-religious state noted for it’s tolerance. Catholics, Jews, Orthodox Christians and even some Protestants and Muslims lived in the Commonwealth. Dozens of nationalities lived within its borders. It was ruled by an elected monarch and what was at the time perhaps the most powerful legislature in the world. Surrounded by absolute monarchies and despots, the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth was the beacon of liberty in it’s day. With it’s famous winged Hussars, it also saved Europe from the advances of the Ottoman Empire, breaking the siege of Vienna, making it a sort of seventeenth century superpower.
The Polish Sejm, however, developed over time an institution known as the Liberum Veto, which would prove it’s and the nation’s undoing. The basic premise of the Liberum Veto was that any member of the legislature could veto any legislation. This was further amplified by the fact that all legislation that passed the Sejm in a given session was lumped together as a single resolution, therefore, the Liberum Veto negated not just a single piece of legislation, but the entire legislative session. Over time, the political environment in the Commonwealth became more and more fragmented and contentious while Poland’s neighbors, Russia, Prussia and Austria-Hungary grew more powerful and learned to manipulate the various factions in the Sejm to weaken and ultimately dismantle the state. Poland was partitioned three times and by the end of the eighteenth century ceased to exist.
What are the similarities to the United States congress? The answer is quite simple; the evolution of the institution of the Senate filibuster. As absurd as the Liberum Veto appears to us today, the current system of filibuster and cloture in the US Senate certainly would have appeared equally absurd to the framers of the American constitution, who witnessed the partition and elimination of the Polish nation from 1772 to 1795. The filibuster, which is based on the Senates parliamentary rules and is not mentioned (nor is cloture) anywhere in the constitution, was first employed in 1837. Cloture, the vote of a super majority (originally two thirds of the Senate, presently 60 votes) to end debate and call the question, was introduced in 1917 as a means to improve the situation. In reality, it has only gotten worse.
As American politics has become more and more contentious and the Senate more partisan, the ultimate result is a de-facto Liberum Veto, in which currently nearly all legislation requires sixty senate votes to pass. In the current environment, it is impossible to imagine the passage of bills such as the Civil Rights Act of 1964, the landmark legislation of the New Deal, or even the Federal Reserve Act of 1913. The result is an ineffective legislature unable to address the nation’s health care crisis, civil rights for gays and lesbians, reform of corporate governance or any other serious threat to the civil and financial health of the nation.
The Liberum Veto evolved as a means of protecting vulnerable minorities within a diverse multi-ethic state. Many would argue that the filibuster is likewise a means of preventing majorities from running rough-shod over minorities in our sprawling and diverse nation. While the current system of filibuster and cloture is clearly not the same as the Sejm’s Liberum Veto, the Liberum Veto, and it’s ultimate impact on the survival of the state, provide a sobering object lesson on the use of parliamentary tactics to subvert the will of the majority. History’s verdict has been deservedly unkind to the Liberum Veto, and I’ve not doubt it will be likewise of the filibuster and cloture.
Until the revolution, yours,
Tim
Tim,
Great understanding of the importance of Sejm and Liberum Veto. One can not comprehend how such a powerful and progressive country like Commonwealth of Poland and Lithuania could cease to exist until one learns about Liberum Veto. The messengers of Austro-Hungary or Russia were present in Warsaw “dining and entertaining” members of Sejm. It is not surprising that they were able to “buy” few “szlachta”, that would use their right to evoke “Liberum Veto” or “I freely forbid” to please their clients and torpedo any attempt of reforms that the King and Sejm tried to implement. Isn’t it what is happening in Washington today? The lobbyists representing interests of other nations, sometimes our enemies, industries and regions are able to get an ear of US Congress members. Unless a drastic reform is introduced, the US will fall like many, mighty empires of the past. History does like to repeat itself.
Comment by Robert — February 9, 2010 @ 3:38 pm
Robert,
Thanks for commenting. Your comparison of modern-day lobbyists to the vultures who circled the decaying corpse of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth is an apt one. Reform of lobbying laws is part of the answer, but only one part. Reform of parliamentary procedures (yes, they are still called parliamentary procedures, even in a congressional legislature) is another. Election reform also must be part of the picture, and not the kind of electoral reform our benighted supreme court seems intent on imposing. But even more important, the American electorate needs to learn how to debate, not just yell at each other, and we need to come to a consensus on which issues our national legislature should have a say in and which should be left to the states, local communities, or out of the political process altogether.
Again, thanks for the comment.
Comment by me — February 9, 2010 @ 10:17 pm
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Comment by Sterling Koplin — May 27, 2011 @ 7:37 am